No ‘war on drugs,’ Mexican president vows, but crackdown on narcos signals turnaround

MEXICO CITY — Last year, Mexican troops were deployed across the country to crack down on narco-violence, arresting legions of cartel agents, seizing tons of illegal drugs and dismantling hundreds of clandestine laboratories.

Ignoring the usual extradition process, Mexico sent dozens of cartel suspects to the United States to face justice, an unprecedented step.

And, in the most sensational blow to organized crime recently, Mexican special forces last month tracked down and killed Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, known as “El Mencho,” the longtime boss of the notorious Jalisco New Generation cartel.

A return to the war on drugs?

No way, insists President Claudia Sheinbaum.

“We want peace, not war,” she said last week. “The strategy has not changed.”

Many disagree.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum is pictured with Mexican Navy Secretary Raymundo Pedro Morales Ángeles.

(Christophe Rogel Blanquet/Getty Images)

Opposition lawmakers and others are celebrating what they call Sheinbaum’s de facto break from the controversial “hugs, not bullets” approach of former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Sheinbaum’s predecessor and mentor.

López Obrador abandoned the militarized “war on drugs” of previous administrations, which he said had only fueled violence and turned Mexico “into a graveyard.” Instead, he focused on tackling the root causes of crime, including poverty and a lack of opportunities for young people.

Many called his experiment a failure: During López Obrador’s six-year term, homicides and disappearances reached record levels and cartels expanded their territory.

Oseguera’s fall is widely seen as an exclamation point marking the end of what critics saw as López Obrador’s passive approach.

“The end of cuddles,” headlined the Mexican newspaper Excélsior.

“The idea that organized crime would retreat in the face of inaction or benevolence from authorities has only allowed criminal groups to grow exponentially, giving them a feeling of impunity,” wrote Excelsior columnist Pascal Beltrán del Río.

For Sheinbaum, Oseguera’s ouster may have had another effect: pushing back against President Trump’s oft-expressed desire to intervene in Mexico’s cartel wars — a red line for the president. She calls the direct involvement of the United States a violation of Mexican sovereignty.

The operation targeting Oseguera involved the use of Washington intelligence, but no U.S. troops participated in the raid, according to U.S. and Mexican officials.

“Sheinbaum demonstrated that cooperation and intelligence sharing can produce the results Trump wants and that Mexican troops are equipped to take down high-value targets,” said David Mora of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based nonprofit focused on conflict resolution.

Although his hardline has enjoyed some success, Sheinbaum has not renounced the precepts of López Obrador, who, although retired, remains a revered and influential figure.

“President Sheinbaum does not want to contradict Andrés Manuel,” said security analyst Victor Manuel Sánchez Valdés, referring to López Obrador, founder of the now-dominant Morena party that Sheinbaum represents. “But in the end, it is clear that ‘hugs, not bullets’ did not produce the desired results.”

Despite Oseguera’s assassination, Sheinbaum still has a long way to go in taming the deeply entrenched cartels. Police, judges, prosecutors and other elements of Mexico’s criminal justice system remain ill-equipped to confront the well-armed, billion-dollar mobs that dominate large swaths of the country.

Sheinbaum, his critics say, has failed to address a major challenge: purging corrupt politicians, law enforcement officials and other authorities, including those linked to his ruling party. Handwritten records found in the Oseguera mountain hideout document an institutionalized system of bribes regularly paid to officials in cahoots with the cartel.

“The government continues to protect actors who have great political influence,” Sánchez Valdés said. “There is continued tolerance for corruption. »

Pressure from Trump is not the only factor pushing Sheinbaum to act decisively against criminal syndicates. With the president boasting an approval rating of over 70%, many Mexicans are fed up with widespread lawlessness.

A significant number of people favor increased U.S. involvement in Mexico’s fight against organized crime, surveys show. Some Mexicans even say that they would not oppose American intervention on the ground.

So it’s no surprise that the undisputed star of Sheinbaum’s cabinet is the tough-talking Security Minister Omar García Harfuch, the face of the government’s anti-cartel offensive. García Harfuch enjoys considerable credibility: he survived three gunshot wounds during a 2020 cartel assassination attempt that left two bodyguards and a bystander dead. His frequent deployment of exploits to dismantle cartels became a hallmark of his administration.

García Harfuch also served as Sheinbaum’s security aide during his previous term as mayor of Mexico City. His administration has successfully brought down crime in the capital, which now has fewer murders per capita than many American cities. But many question whether his favored techniques – which rely heavily on intelligence gathering and cooperation between law enforcement agencies – would work on a national scale. The attack on Oseguera’s hideout dramatized Sheinbaum’s willingness to accept a more kinetic approach, despite the risks.

A cadet trains at the Mexico City police academy. Crime in the Mexican capital has fallen to a record low under Sheinbaum, with fewer murders per capita than in many U.S. cities.

(Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times)

Sheinbaum remains a strong supporter of educational, sporting and cultural activities aimed at providing young people with alternatives to joining the cartels – which are among the country’s largest employers and are revered in ballads, television programs and films.

“Our idea is that young people never consider crime as an option in life,” Sheinbaum said. “Crime is an option of death.”

Mexico has largely returned to normal since Oseguera’s death and the spasm of anarchy that followed.

But as the country prepares to host World Cup matches in Mexico, Monterrey and Guadalajara, many are concerned about further outbreaks of violence. The cartel’s leadership failures in the past have resulted in protracted power battles, as potential successors to departed capos vie for control.

“Claiming high criminal rank will not spare the government from disastrous consequences,” said Mora of the International Crisis Group.

Mexicans are well aware of the risks.

“History shows us that the fall of a major drug trafficker does not reduce violence, on the contrary, violence multiplies, like a weed,” said Rodolfo Soto, 54, a minibus driver in Puerto Vallarta.

A renowned tourist destination in the state of Jalisco, Puerto Vallarta was one of the hardest hit areas during the reprisal attacks following Oseguera’s assassination. The city was largely shut down as residents and tourists ran for cover and plumes of smoke from the fires obscured views of the Pacific.

“We’re all afraid that things will get worse and we’ll be caught in the middle,” Soto said. “Tourism is our lifeblood here.”

One thing is clear: Few Mexicans seem to be mourning the apparent end of the “hugs, not bullets” era.

“I never supported the ‘hugs, not bullets’ policy,” said Marisol Morales, 41, an elementary school vice principal in the Pacific port city of Manzanillo. “How can you kiss people who commit crimes?

Special cor respondent Cecilia Sánchez Vidal in Mexico City and Editor of the Times Karen Mariana Cárdenas Ceballos in Los Angeles contributed to this report.