Labour’s great green energy plan could be a legacy as vital as the NHS | Polly Toynbee

IIt seems unlikely that Labor will become the largest party in the next general election (although this is by no means impossible). If one term is Labor’s destiny, what legacy will it leave behind? A great irreversible success is already being achieved: the transition to locally produced clean energy. This is a real “resumption of control” to escape the clutches of feverish oil and gas markets. In fact, it could become such a political success that it could save Labour’s electoral fortunes.

Historically, this could be recognized as equivalent to the creation of the NHS in 1948, with Ed Miliband the modern-day Nye Bevan. He fought his cause in the same ruthless way as Bevan. He faces the same fierce (and politically deranged) right-wing opposition, which will have to eat its hat due to the rejection of renewable energy. Just as the NHS is one of Britain’s greatest sources of pride, we can expect the same national pride in the country’s energy independence, freeing us from seesawing markets and foreign oil and gas dictators: Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump or the Ayatollahs.

This is the vision of Miliband’s rallying speech today, a future that seems achievable, as he will announce a “sprint to build large-scale clean energy on the public domain” with faster adoption of solar and electric vehicles (EVs). After two devastating energy shocks in five years, electrifying Britain with local renewable energy has become “the only path to financial security, energy security and national security”, he says. Trump’s war on Iran demands action, because every solar panel, every wind turbine, every heat pump, every electric vehicle on the road makes the UK safer. This connection between clean energy and national security rejects the idea that green policy is weak, vague, left-wing, and fear-mongering, when it is the basis of national defense.

The great success of the NHS lies not only in its direct service, but also in the way it has dispelled uncertainty and fear about the cost of illness among ordinary Britons. Similarly, locally produced energy will ultimately prevent energy bills from skyrocketing unpredictably, destroying household budgets and causing a lot of stress. This plan could make energy a source of confidence and national pride rather than concern.

Good news is rare in these dark times, but in the field of green energy, good things are happening: contracts have just been signed for small modular reactors, the largest nuclear construction program in half a century. The final two rounds of renewable energy auctions will ensure enough clean UK-generated electricity for 23 million homes. The UK’s largest ever solar project has been approved, along with investments in hydrogen manufacturing, floating wind power and wind turbines.

Renewable energies have increased from 7% of electricity production in 2010 to almost 50% today. Last year, the UK’s greenhouse gas emissions hit their lowest level since 1872. Last month, wind generation increased by 38% compared to March 2025, saving £1 billion in gas imports, according to Carbon Brief. The goal of producing 95% of electricity from renewable sources by 2030 is ambitious, but “within reach, provided the government stays the course,” says the Independent Committee on Climate Change.

Miliband’s firmness in his aims, including his agile counter-resistance policy, has made him the party’s most popular minister among party members.

His support from Rachel Reeves and Keir Starmer brought massive public and private investment. And today, Reeves will announce the easing of the system whereby electricity prices are too often set by the price of gas.

Can Miliband’s vivid vision of energy independence ease the pain of rising bills? Democracy think tank More in Common believes that public awareness of the government’s efforts to pass the bills is “almost non-existent.” Telling people that the government saved them from even higher prices doesn’t impress: people blame the greed of energy companies and the feeling of exploitation fuels “anti-system attitudes that drive voters away from established parties.”

The dishonesty of the Reformers and the Conservatives’ call for maximum drilling in the North Sea is mind-blowing, when oil and gas prices are set internationally. But opposing parties know that governments suffer the consequences of rising bills, even when foreign wars or Wall Street bankers are to blame.

Here is the big red/blue divide. Kemi Badenoch makes a U-turn against net zero in 2050, his defining position. Even though her party signed on to the UK’s membership, she calls the Climate Change Act’s emissions targets “fantasy politics”. In 2022, as a government minister, she said green industries were “crucial to reaching net zero”. Now she’s tracking Nigel Farage step by step. Curiously, the Greens downplay green policy, which does not seem to be mentioned so far in local election leaflets.

The public still supports net zero with 60% support, even conservative voters 48% for, 37% against. But how the public votes with their feet will matter most: March saw the UK’s best ever sales of electric vehicles, now cheaper than petrol cars on average. And last month, Octopus Energy reported a 50% increase in solar panel sales and a 30% increase in heat pump sales.

Miliband needs all his driving force to make this green vision a reality and to have it recognized by the general public. Just as Bevan created the NHS three years after taking office, both projects require huge investment despite the toughest economic times. The NHS is Labour’s great legacy, a monument to what it can achieve. This should be another one.

• Guardian Newsroom: Can Labor get out of the abyss?
  On Thursday April 30, join Gaby Hinsliff, Zoe Williams, Polly Toynbee and Rafael Behr to discuss the scale of the threat Labor faces from the Green Party and Reform UK – and whether Keir Starmer can survive as leader. Book tickets here or on Guardian.live

• Polly Toynbee is a Guardian columnist