Graham Platner Is the Real Deal

Policy
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August 26, 2025
Maine Oyster Farmer embodies the populist energy that Americans were looking for. He is the best candidate to defeat the republican senator Susan Collins.

Graham Platner.
(Graham for Maine)
“I did four infantry tours in the navy and the army. I’m not afraid to appoint an enemy. And the enemy is the oligarchy. It is the billionaires who pay for this, and the politicians who sell us. ”
Graham Platner delivers these lines in the video announcing his campaign outside the nuance against the Maine Republican Senator, Susan Collins. In the viral clip, Platner leans with casualness against the wheel of a small boat. He wears a stained sweatshirt, but without any Fetterman effect – it’s an oyster that works in his normal outfit. He has a gallor voice, a bristled beard and a robustly relaxed charisma. But beyond the aesthetics of the working class, it is this particular line – “I am not afraid to name an enemy” – that I think explains its magnetic print. The Americans understand that the system is rigged, and we are hungry for candidates for guts and honesty to call the bad guys causing our pain.
In his launch video – which has already accumulated 4 million views on X – as well as all the other declarations he made during the last week, there is no trace of the harmless competition which has become so synonymous with democratic politicians. Platner does not speak of an “economy of opportunity” – he growls that “the fabric of what keeps us together is being torn by billionaires and corrupt politicians”. He does not try to rise above the fray – he says squarely that looking at his state “becoming essentially unlivable for workers” makes him “deeply angry”.
In his campaign for the Senate, Platner embodies populist energy and so many Americans – democrats, independent and republicans – have sought with their leaders, and that the establishment of the Democratic Party has failed to adopt, despite the urgent need to do so.
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The Democrats ignored the alarms in November, when Kamala Harris rejected a populist strategy and lost ground through the working class. Democratic leaders clinging to the center, the party is hemorrhage of voters across the country, especially among men and young people. The Democratic Party has a point of approval -32. Meanwhile, populist Bernie Sanders remains the most popular politician in the United States. If you look at the Democrats who voted in 2020 but you sit in the 2024 elections, it is clear what they are looking for. As the sounder Celinda Lake recently discovered it, these voters “want leaders who will fight for everyone … They are very populist”.
Platner does not need consultants or pollsters to tell him what the Mainers of the working class want, because as he said on August 22, “these are my neighbors.” In another recent interview, he told ABC News: “I drink coffee every morning with the guys I work next to it, who are friends to me, who all voted for Donald Trump. And they voted for Donald Trump because they wanted something new, they wanted change.” He believes that the path of victory of these voters is not a prudent triangulation; This proves to them that the Democratic Party is “the fight party for major structural changes for the benefit of working class people”.
This approach would be a different challenge for Collins that the democratic campaigns it has beaten in the past. In 2020, the Establishment of DC crowned the former president of the Sara Gideon Chamber as a Democratic candidate of Maine for the American Senate. GIDEON – A transplant from the south of Maine, the richest part of the State – is not associated with any commitment or memorable political plans. She ran like a moderate who could get things (unclear that things) work through the aisle. It raised $ 69 million to the jaw. And she lost almost nine points.
Democrats must try something new. However, the DC establishment is recruiting a candidate, Governor Janet Mills, who will bring many of the same responsibilities as Gideon. There is a logic to this push – the miles are a governor with two mandates, and this is accompanied by advantages. But Mulls is the second-popular governor in the country, and the majority of the Mainers do not want it to show up in the Senate. She was also in the late 1970s – in fact, she would be the oldest first -year senator in history, at a time when the Democratic Party has a gerontocracy problem. It also does not increase that Mulls was lukewarm in his interest in a race for the Senate.
A frequent complaint about Gideon’s campaign was that it was concentrated almost exclusively on advertising and failed to prioritize the retail campaign. Presenting things in a small state like Maine, and the Democrats need a candidate who is enthusiastic about the idea of traveling through the State, to campaign in each county and city, and to put the work to win, not a single who must be convinced to do so.
Perhaps even more important, the progressive populist values of Platner allow him contrasts with Collins than a democrat of the establishment as Mills would probably not. The Israel genocide in Gaza offers a perfect example. The Platner’s position is clear: he said Introductive Jew“What is happening in Gaza is a genocide. I refuse to take money from Aipac or any group that supports the genocide in Gaza.”
This is approaching a supermajeurity position – a Gallup survey last month found that the Americans disapprove of Israel’s actions in Gaza from almost two to one. And these figures will probably compete even more in the context of the framing of Maine de Platner; As he said in a recent interview, “none of this benefits the Americans of the working class … Nothing in Sullivan, in Maine, will improve because of our funding for a genocide.”
As a fighter veteran, Platner can also integrate this into his greatest message of “more endless wars”. These are all extremely advantageous fights to choose with Collins, a longtime champion of the AIPAC – facing that Mills probably cannot, or would not be, engage.
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Finally, the position of Platner as a foreigner gives him a more advantage: in addition to running against Trump and the GOP, he can also run crediblely against everything that people do not like about the Democratic Party. One of Trump’s greatest forces as a candidate in 2016 was that, by mercilessing the unpopular failures of the Bush administration, he was able to run with little long -standing luggage of the republican party (just all the new luggage he brought to him).
Today, the brand of the National Democratic Party is also in the toilet. Long -standing politicians like Mills will find it difficult to separate from this brand, as this loudly and frequently requires the failures of the Democratic establishment – something which is almost impossible for the members of this establishment to achieve. Platner, fortunately, does not feel such a compliance – his fourth article on X was the relatable complaint: “Nothing makes me shit more than receiving a text to collect funds from Democrats talking about how they fight against fascism. … because they are such bullshit. We are not idiots. Everyone knows that most of them are not shit Jack to fight. ” With declarations like this, Platner can demonstrate its independence from an unpopular national party and a call to independent voters in a way that Mulls simply cannot.
Senate control can be summed up if Democrats can present a candidate in Maine who can eliminate Collins. It is not an easy task, and it was not – and perhaps cannot be – in relation to a bland centrism policy which refuses to name enemies for fear of alienating elite donors. The Platner campaign is the opposite of this failed approach. His profile, his biography and his already clear talent as a communicator situate it to channel the populist frustrations expressed by the Americans through the political spectrum. This guy is the real business, and rather than continuing to push for a worse candidate to participate in the race, the Democrats should thank their lucky stars that a figure as a dish intensified and united to build the movement of the working class necessary to defeat Collins.
At this time of crisis, we need a unified and progressive opposition to Donald Trump.
We are starting to see a form in the streets and in the ballot boxes across the country: from the campaign of the candidate for the town hall of New York, Zohran Mamdani, affordable, to communities protecting their neighbors from ice, to senators opposed to arms expeditions to Israel.
The Democratic Party has an urgent choice to make: will he embrace a policy that is based on principles and popular, or will it continue to insist on losing elections with the elites and the outside contact consultants that brought us here?
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