Péter Magyar Led Hungarians out of Autocracy. Where Will He Take Them Now?

No, there is no question of firing everyone.

So how are you going to do it?

It’s easy. Who were the political candidates? And who committed unjust and illegal acts?

You have to scrutinize, you have to pay attention, you have to look closely. It won’t happen overnight. But we don’t want to fire anyone who was part [of the regime] as a civil servant, doctor or police officer. They’re good guys. Our task is to rebuild and strengthen the rule of law, checks and balances. And to change, of course, Orbán’s puppets: the president of the country, the president of the public prosecutor’s office, the Constitutional Court, the media authority. But not average, normal working citizens. This is not our intention at all.

Last night at the premiere, you said, “The dance is just beginning” – meaning, basically, you just won this very difficult, upset election victory, and now comes the even harder part, which is governing, holding your coalition together, keeping your promises. You have supporters on the left, supporters on the right, supporters in the middle. And there will inevitably be conflict and disappointment among your followers. How are you going to handle this?

You’re right: there’s a honeymoon feeling in the country right now, and the honeymoon could end very, very quickly.

I think you’ll have more time than most people.

Yes, but it is our responsibility and our task to extend it and explain to people the real situation, the exact situation of the country, of the economy, of the health system, of the education system. It is our enormous responsibility to bring back the EU funds, to strengthen the checks and balances, to rebuild, to reunify the country, and to be very honest, we will not be perfect – we are only human beings – and if we make mistakes, to be honest and admit it, [and accept] the consequences. This will also be a huge difference from the Orbán regime, when there was no accountability or consequences for any crime, no political mistakes.

I think if you treat people like adults, it’s not easy, but everything can be explained. And the more difficult the decisions, the more sensitive the decisions – we will see how long this honeymoon feeling lasts and, of course, I am ready for change, for [approval] falling numbers. This is completely normal. But if you are honest, you will also survive the most difficult times, I am sure.

We will start by amending the constitution, and we will write in it that anyone can only be Prime Minister in Hungary for two terms, a maximum of eight years. This will be a sign that we do not want to do the same thing – build an energy machine – but simply govern, simply serve the country as long as possible. But maximum eight years.

So you can guarantee that you will only stay there for eight years?

Yeah, absolutely. Or four, we’ll see. But in the constitution, it will be written that eight years is the maximum.

What other things will be in the constitution that will control your power, limit your power? And is this new constitution currently being drafted?

[At this point, Sümeghy jumped in. “To avoid the point of the constitution at this table,” she began, steering the conversation toward a more general topic. Under Orbán, she said, Hungarians had “experienced lack of trust in our institutions—we were infantilized.” But Magyar, she felt, was starting to change this mentality, by treating his supporters as grownups.]

Well, if I can just treat us all like adults: I’m not trying to ask questions related to current events, but I definitely think it’s important to discuss what happens next. Everyone in the world is curious. The whole film, the whole campaign, was based on the premise that there had been key inflection years in Hungarian history: 1956, 1989, 2010 and now 2026. And so this moment that you are about to embark on – what you have repeatedly called peaceful regime change – raises important and perhaps difficult questions. Because this message – that we have won this great mandate for change and that we will rewrite the constitution – was also Orbán’s message, after 2010, and now, of course, we see this as a disaster.

So the big question that comes to mind is: How do we know that this is not a moment like this, where the voters give you power and you will use it to maintain your own power? How can we really be sure that there will be no abuse of power or betrayal?

[Smiling.] I really respect your attempt to rephrase the question. And I really understand that you would like to know the details. But the difference between us and the Orbán regime, one of the differences, is that it is not Péter Magyar who will make the decisions alone. So you are asking a question that will be decided by the Hungarian parliament, discussed with Hungarian society – professionals, lawyers and political groups in the Hungarian parliament. So there is nothing to decide at the moment. So I am not able to answer your question.

[To be a responsible leader] I think it all starts in your mind, in your brain. It is you who must control yourself. To be honest, it doesn’t depend on constitutions.

You mentioned everything went wrong [after 2010] because of the constitution. No, it’s an average constitution. It’s because of the power, because of the Prime Minister, because of the mafia. It’s not because of the laws. I am a lawyer, I am ready to modify the constitution or the electoral law. But it depends on the people, on the politicians in power. You must first control yourself in your mind. And to build a community that will control you as Prime Minister, as [leader] of the Party.